Cyrus Conquers Babylon
After this interview Cyrus quitted Sardis, leaving the city under
the charge of Tabalus, a Persian, but appointing Pactyas, a native,
to collect the treasure belonging to Croesus and the other Lydians,
and bring after him. Cyrus himself proceeded towards Agbatana, carrying
Croesus along with him, not regarding the Ionians as important enough
to be his immediate object. Larger designs were in his mind. He wished
to war in person against Babylon, the Bactrians, the Sacae, and Egypt;
he therefore determined to assign to one of his generals the task
of conquering the Ionians.
No sooner, however, was Cyrus gone from Sardis than Pactyas induced
his countrymen to rise in open revolt against him and his deputy Tabalus.
With the vast treasures at his disposal he then went down to the sea,
and employed them in hiring mercenary troops, while at the same time
he engaged the people of the coast to enrol themselves in his army.
He then marched upon Sardis, where he besieged Tabalus, who shut himself
up in the citadel.
When Cyrus, on his way to Agbatana, received these tidings, he returned
to Croesus and said, "Where will all this end, Croesus, thinkest thou?
It seemeth that these Lydians will not cease to cause trouble both
to themselves and others. I doubt me if it were not best to sell them
all for slaves. Methinks what I have now done is as if a man were
to 'kill the father and then spare the child.' Thou, who wert something
more than a father to thy people, I have seized and carried off, and
to that people I have entrusted their city. Can I then feel surprise
at their rebellion?" Thus did Cyrus open to Croesus his thoughts;
whereat the latter, full of alarm lest Cyrus should lay Sardis in
ruins, replied as follows: "Oh! my king, thy words are reasonable;
but do not, I beseech thee, give full vent to thy anger, nor doom
to destruction an ancient city, guiltless alike of the past and of
the present trouble. I caused the one, and in my own person now pay
the forfeit. Pactyas has caused the other, he to whom thou gavest
Sardis in charge; let him bear the punishment. Grant, then, forgiveness
to the Lydians, and to make sure of their never rebelling against
thee, or alarming thee more, send and forbid them to keep any weapons
of war, command them to wear tunics under their cloaks, and to put
buskins upon their legs, and make them bring up their sons to cithern-playing,
harping, and shop-keeping. So wilt thou soon see them become women
instead of men, and there will be no more fear of their revolting
from thee."
Croesus thought the Lydians would even so be better off than if they
were sold for slaves, and therefore gave the above advice to Cyrus,
knowing that, unless he brought forward some notable suggestion, he
would not be able to persuade him to alter his mind. He was likewise
afraid lest, after escaping the danger which now pressed, the Lydians
at some future time might revolt from the Persians and so bring themselves
to ruin. The advice pleased Cyrus, who consented to forego his anger
and do as Croesus had said. Thereupon he summoned to his presence
a certain Mede, Mazares by name, and charged him to issue orders to
the Lydians in accordance with the terms of Croesus' discourse. Further,
he commanded him to sell for slaves all who had joined the Lydians
in their attack upon Sardis, and above aught else to be sure that
he brought Pactyas with him alive on his return. Having given these
orders Cyrus continued his journey towards the Persian territory.
Pactyas, when news came of the near approach of the army sent against
him, fled in terror to Cyme. Mazares, therefore, the Median general,
who had marched on Sardis with a detachment of the army of Cyrus,
finding on his arrival that Pactyas and his troops were gone, immediately
entered the town. And first of all he forced the Lydians to obey the
orders of his master, and change (as they did from that time) their
entire manner of living. Next, he despatched messengers to Cyme, and
required to have Pactyas delivered up to him. On this the Cymaeans
resolved to send to Branchidae and ask the advice of the god. Branchidae
is situated in the territory of Miletus, above the port of Panormus.
There was an oracle there, established in very ancient times, which
both the Ionians and Aeolians were wont often to consult.
Hither therefore the Cymaeans sent their deputies to make inquiry
at the shrine, "What the gods would like them to do with the Lydian,
Pactyas?" The oracle told them, in reply, to give him up to the Persians.
With this answer the messengers returned, and the people of Cymd were
ready to surrender him accordingly; but as they were preparing to
do so, Aristodicus, son of Heraclides, a citizen of distinction, hindered
them. He declared that he distrusted the response, and believed that
the messengers had reported it falsely; until at last another embassy,
of which Aristodicus himself made part, was despatched, to repeat
the former inquiry concerning Pactyas.
On their arrival at the shrine of the god, Aristodicus, speaking on
behalf of the whole body, thus addressed the oracle: "Oh! king, Pactyas
the Lydian, threatened by the Persians with a violent death, has come
to us for sanctuary, and lo, they ask him at our hands, calling upon
our nation to deliver him up. Now, though we greatly dread the Persian
power, yet have we not been bold to give up our suppliant, till we
have certain knowledge of thy mind, what thou wouldst have us to do."
The oracle thus questioned gave the same answer as before, bidding
them surrender Pactyas to the Persians; whereupon Aristodicus, who
had come prepared for such an answer, proceeded to make the circuit
of the temple, and to take all the nests of young sparrows and other
birds that he could find about the building. As he was thus employed,
a voice, it is said, came forth from the inner sanctuary, addressing
Aristodicus in these words: "Most impious of men, what is this thou
hast the face to do? Dost thou tear my suppliants from my temple?"
Aristodicus, at no loss for a reply, rejoined, "Oh, king, art thou
so ready to protect thy suppliants, and dost thou command the Cymaeans
to give up a suppliant?" "Yes," returned the god, "I do command it,
that so for the impiety you may the sooner perish, and not come here
again to consult my oracle about the surrender of suppliants."
On the receipt of this answer the Cymaeans, unwilling to bring the
threatened destruction on themselves by giving up the man, and afraid
of having to endure a siege if they continued to harbour him, sent
Pactyas away to Mytilene. On this Mazares despatched envoys to the
Mytilenaeans to demand the fugitive of them, and they were preparing
to give him up for a reward (I cannot say with certainty how large,
as the bargain was not completed), when the Cymaeans hearing what
the Mytilenaeans were about, sent a vessel to Lesbos, and conveyed
away Pactyas to Chios. From hence it was that he was surrendered.
The Chians dragged him from the temple of Minerva Poliuchus and gave
him up to the Persians, on condition of receiving the district of
Atarneus, a tract of Mysia opposite to Lesbos, as the price of the
surrender. Thus did Pactyas fall into the hands of his pursuers, who
kept a strict watch upon him that they might be able to produce him
before Cyrus. For a long time afterwards none of the Chians would
use the barley of Atarneus to place on the heads of victims, or make
sacrificial cakes of the corn grown there, but the whole produce of
the land was excluded from all their temples.
Meanwhile Mazares, after he had recovered Pactyas from the Chians,
made war upon those who had taken part in the attack on Tabalus, and
in the first place took Priene and sold the inhabitants for slaves,
after which he overran the whole plain of the Maeander and the district
of Magnesia, both of which he gave up for pillage to the soldiery.
He then suddenly sickened and died.
Upon his death Harpagus was sent down to the coast to succeed to his
command. He also was of the race of the Medes, being the man whom
the Median king, Astyages, feasted at the unholy banquet, and who
lent his aid to Place Cyrus upon the throne. Appointed by Cyrus to
conduct the war in these parts, he entered Ionia, and took the cities
by means of mounds. Forcing the enemy to shut themselves up within
their defences, he heaped mounds of earth against their walls, and
thus carried the towns. Phocaea was the city against which he directed
his first attack.
Now the Phocaeans were the first of the Greeks who performed long
voyages, and it was they who made the Greeks acquainted with the Adriatic
and with Tyrrhenia, with Iberia, and the city of Tartessus. The vessel
which they used in their voyages was not the round-built merchant-ship,
but the long penteconter. On their arrival at Tartessus, the king
of the country, whose name was Arganthonius, took a liking to them.
This monarch reigned over the Tartessians for eighty years, and lived
to be a hundred and twenty years old. He regarded the Phocaeans with
so much favour as, at first, to beg them to quit Ionia and settle
in whatever part of his country they liked. Afterwards, finding that
he could not prevail upon them to agree to this, and hearing that
the Mede was growing great in their neighbourhood, he gave them money
to build a wall about their town, and certainly he must have given
it with a bountiful hand, for the town is many furlongs in circuit,
and the wall is built entirely of great blocks of stone skilfully
fitted together. The wall, then, was built by his aid.
Harpagus, having advanced against the Phocaeans with his army, laid
siege to their city, first, however, offering them terms. "It would
content him," he said, "if the Phocaeans would agree to throw down
one of their battlements, and dedicate one dwelling-house to the king."
The Phocaeans, sorely vexed at the thought of becoming slaves, asked
a single day to deliberate on the answer they should return, and besought
Harpagus during that day to draw off his forces from the walls. Harpagus
replied, "that he understood well enough what they were about to do,
but nevertheless he would grant their request." Accordingly the troops
were withdrawn, and the Phocaeans forthwith took advantage of their
absence to launch their penteconters, and put on board their wives
and children, their household goods, and even the images of their
gods, with all the votive offerings from the fanes except the paintings
and the works in stone or brass, which were left behind. With the
rest they embarked, and putting to sea, set sail for Chios. The Persians,
on their return, took possession of an empty town.
Arrived at Chios, the Phocaeans made offers for the purchase of the
islands called the Oenussae, but the Chians refused to part with them,
fearing lest the Phocaeans should establish a factory there, and exclude
their merchants from the commerce of those seas. On their refusal,
the Phocaeans, as Arganthonius was now dead, made up their minds to
sail to Cyrnus (Corsica), where, twenty years before, following the
direction of an oracle, they had founded a city, which was called
Alalia. Before they set out, however, on this voyage, they sailed
once more to Phocaea, and surprising the Persian troops appointed
by Harpagus to garrison town, put them all to the sword. After this
laid the heaviest curses on the man who should draw back and forsake
the armament; and having dropped a heavy mass of iron into the sea,
swore never to return to Phocaea till that mass reappeared upon the
surface. Nevertheless, as they were preparing to depart for Cyrnus,
more than half of their number were seized with such sadness and so
great a longing to see once more their city and their ancient homes,
that they broke the oath by which they had bound themselves and sailed
back to Phocaea.
The rest of the Phocaeans who kept their oath, proceeded without stopping
upon their voyage, and when they came to Cyrnus established themselves
along with the earlier settlers at Alalia and built temples in the
place. For five years they annoyed their neighbours by plundering
and pillaging on all sides, until at length the Carthaginians and
Tyrrhenians leagued against them, and sent each a fleet of sixty ships
to attack the town. The Phocaeans, on their part, manned all their
vessels, sixty in number, and met their enemy on the Sardinian sea.
In the engagement which followed the Phocaeans were victorious, but
their success was only a sort of Cadmeian victory.' They lost forty
ships in the battle, and the twenty which remained came out of the
engagement with beaks so bent and blunted as to be no longer serviceable.
The Phocaeans therefore sailed back again to Alalia, and taking their
wives and children on board, with such portion of their goods and
chattels as the vessels could bear, bade adieu to Cyrnus and sailed
to Rhegium.
The Carthaginians and Tyrrhenians, who had got into their hands many
more than the Phocaeans from among the crews of the forty vessels
that were destroyed, landed their captives upon the coast after the
fight, and stoned them all to death. Afterwards, when sheep, or oxen,
or even men of the district of Agylla passed by the spot where the
murdered Phocaeans lay, their bodies became distorted, or they were
seized with palsy, or they lost the use of some of their limbs. On
this the people of Agylla sent to Delphi to ask the oracle how they
might expiate their sin. The answer of the Pythoness required them
to institute the custom, which they still observe, of honouring the
dead Phocaeans with magnificent funeral rites, and solemn games, both
gymnic and equestrian. Such, then, was the fate that befell the Phocaean
prisoners. The other Phocaeans, who had fled to Rhegium, became after
a while the founders of the city called Vela, in the district of Oenotria.
This city they colonised, upon the showing of a man of Posidonia,
who suggested that the oracle had not meant to bid them set up a town
in Cyrnus the island, but set up the worship of Cyrnus the hero.
Thus fared it with the men of the city of Phocaea in Ionia. They of
Teos did and suffered almost the same; for they too, when Harpagus
had raised his mound to the height of their defences, took ship, one
and all, and sailing across the sea to Thrace, founded there the city
of Abdera. The site was one which Timesius of Clazomenae had previously
tried to colonise, but without any lasting success, for he was expelled
by the Thracians. Still the Teians of Abdera worship him to this day
as a hero.
Of all the Ionians these two states alone, rather than submit to slavery,
forsook their fatherland. The others (I except Miletus) resisted Harpagus
no less bravely than those who fled their country, and performed many
feats of arms, each fighting in their own defence, but one after another
they suffered defeat; the cities were taken, and the inhabitants submitted,
remaining in their respective countries, and obeying the behests of
their new lords. Miletus, as I have already mentioned, had made terms
with Cyrus, and so continued at peace. Thus was continental Ionia
once more reduced to servitude; and when the Ionians of the islands
saw their brethren upon the mainland subjugated, they also, dreading
the like, gave themselves up to Cyrus.
It was while the Ionians were in this distress, but still, amid it
all, held their meetings, as of old, at the Panionium, that Bias of
Priene, who was present at the festival, recommended (as I am informed)
a project of the very highest wisdom, which would, had it been embraced,
have enabled the Ionians to become the happiest and most flourishing
of the Greeks. He exhorted them "to join in one body, set sail for
Sardinia, and there found a single Pan-Ionic city; so they would escape
from slavery and rise to great fortune, being masters of the largest
island in the world, exercising dominion even beyond its bounds; whereas
if they stayed in Ionia, he saw no prospect of their ever recovering
their lost freedom." Such was the counsel which Bias gave the Ionians
in their affliction. Before their misfortunes began, Thales, a man
of Miletus, of Phoenician descent, had recommended a different plan.
He counselled them to establish a single seat of government, and pointed
out Teos as the fittest place for it; "for that," he said, "was the
centre of Ionia. Their other cities might still continue to enjoy
their own laws, just as if they were independent states." This also
was good advice.
After conquering the Ionians, Harpagus proceeded to attack the Carians,
the Caunians, and the Lycians. The Ionians and Aeolians were forced
to serve in his army. Now, of the above nations the Carians are a
race who came into the mainland from the islands. In ancient times
they were subjects of king Minos, and went by the name of Leleges,
dwelling among the isles, and, so far as I have been able to push
my inquiries, never liable to give tribute to any man. They served
on board the ships of king Minos whenever he required; and thus, as
he was a great conqueror and prospered in his wars, the Carians were
in his day the most famous by far of all the nations of the earth.
They likewise were the inventors of three things, the use of which
was borrowed from them by the Greeks; they were the first to fasten
crests on helmets and to put devices on shields, and they also invented
handles for shields. In the earlier times shields were without handles,
and their wearers managed them by the aid of a leathern thong, by
which they were slung round the neck and left shoulder. Long after
the time of Minos, the Carians were driven from the islands by the
Ionians and Dorians, and so settled upon the mainland. The above is
the account which the Cretans give of the Carians: the Carians themselves
say very differently. They maintain that they are the aboriginal inhabitants
of the part of the mainland where they now dwell, and never had any
other name than that which they still bear; and in proof of this they
show an ancient temple of Carian Jove in the country of the Mylasians,
in which the Mysians and Lydians have the right of worshipping, as
brother races to the Carians: for Lydus and Mysus, they say, were
brothers of Car. These nations, therefore, have the aforesaid right;
but such as are of a different race, even though they have come to
use the Carian tongue, are excluded from this temple.
The Caunians, in my judgment, are aboriginals; but by their own account
they came from Crete. In their language, either they have approximated
to the Carians, or the Carians to them- on this point I cannot speak
with certainty. In their customs, however, they differ greatly from
the Carians, and not only so, but from all other men. They think it
a most honourable practice for friends or persons of the same age,
whether they be men, women, or children, to meet together in large
companies, for the purpose of drinking wine. Again, on one occasion
they determined that they would no longer make use of the foreign
temples which had been long established among them, but would worship
their own old ancestral gods alone. Then their whole youth took arms,
and striking the air with their spears, marched to the Calyndic frontier,
declaring that they were driving out the foreign gods.
The Lycians are in good truth anciently from Crete; which island,
in former days, was wholly peopled with barbarians. A quarrel arising
there between the two sons of Europa, Sarpedon and Minos, as to which
of them should be king, Minos, whose party prevailed, drove Sarpedon
and his followers into banishment. The exiles sailed to Asia, and
landed on the Milyan territory. Milyas was the ancient name of the
country now inhabited by the Lycians: the Milyae of the present day
were, in those times, called Solymi. So long as Sarpedon reigned,
his followers kept the name which they brought with them from Crete,
and were called Termilae, as the Lycians still are by those who live
in their neighbourhood. But after Lycus, the son of Pandion, banished
from Athens by his brother Aegeus had found a refuge with Sarpedon
in the country of these Termilae, they came, in course of time, to
be called from him Lycians. Their customs are partly Cretan, partly
Carian. They have, however, one singular custom in which they differ
from every other nation in the world. They take the mother's and not
the father's name. Ask a Lycian who he is, and he answers by giving
his own name, that of his mother, and so on in the female line. Moreover,
if a free woman marry a man who is a slave, their children are full
citizens; but if a free man marry a foreign woman, or live with a
concubine, even though he be the first person in the State, the children
forfeit all the rights of citizenship.
Of these nations, the Carians submitted to Harpagus without performing
any brilliant exploits. Nor did the Greeks who dwelt in Caria behave
with any greater gallantry. Among them were the Cnidians, colonists
from Lacedaemon, who occupy a district facing the sea, which is called
Triopium. This region adjoins upon the Bybassian Chersonese; and,
except a very small space, is surrounded by the sea, being bounded
on the north by the Ceramic Gulf, and on the south by the channel
towards the islands of Syme and Rhodes. While Harpagus was engaged
in the conquest of Ionia, the Cnidians, wishing to make their country
an island, attempted to cut through this narrow neck of land, which
was no more than five furlongs across from sea to sea. Their whole
territory lay inside the isthmus; for where Cnidia ends towards the
mainland, the isthmus begins which they were now seeking to cut through.
The work had been commenced, and many hands were employed upon it,
when it was observed that there seemed to be something unusual and
unnatural in the number of wounds that the workmen received, especially
about their eyes, from the splintering of the rock. The Cnidians,
therefore, sent to Delphi, to inquire what it was that hindered their
efforts; and received, according to their own account, the following
answer from the oracle:-
Fence not the isthmus off, nor dig it through-
Jove would have made an island, had he wished. So the Cnidians ceased
digging, and when Harpagus advanced with his army, they gave themselves
up to him without striking a blow.
Above Halicarnassus and further from the coast, were the Pedasians.
With this people, when any evil is about to befall either themselves
or their neighbours, the priestess of Minerva grows an ample beard.
Three times has this marvel happened. They alone, of all the dwellers
in Caria, resisted Harpagus for a while, and gave him much trouble,
maintaining themselves in a certain mountain called Lida, which they
had fortified; but in course of time they also were forced to submit.
When Harpagus, after these successes, led his forces into the Xanthian
plain, the Lycians of Xanthus went out to meet him in the field: though
but a small band against a numerous host, they engaged in battle,
and performed many glorious exploits. Overpowered at last, and forced
within their walls, they collected into the citadel their wives and
children, all their treasures, and their slaves; and having so done,
fired the building, and burnt it to the ground. After this, they bound
themselves together by dreadful oaths, and sallying forth against
the enemy, died sword in hand, not one escaping. Those Lycians who
now claim to be Xanthians, are foreign immigrants, except eighty families,
who happened to be absent from the country, and so survived the others.
Thus was Xanthus taken by Harpagus, and Caunus fell in like manner
into his hands; for the Caunians in the main followed the example
of the Lycians.
While the lower parts of Asia were in this way brought under by Harpagus,
Cyrus in person subjected the upper regions, conquering every nation,
and not suffering one to escape. Of these conquests I shall pass by
the greater portion, and give an account of those only which gave
him the most trouble, and are the worthiest of mention. When he had
brought all the rest of the continent under his sway, he made war
on the Assyrians.
Assyria possesses a vast number of great cities, whereof the most
renowned and strongest at this time was Babylon, whither, after the
fall of Nineveh, the seat of government had been removed. The following
is a description of the place:- The city stands on a broad plain,
and is an exact square, a hundred and twenty furlongs in length each
way, so that the entire circuit is four hundred and eighty furlongs.
While such is its size, in magnificence there is no other city that
approaches to it. It is surrounded, in the first place, by a broad
and deep moat, full of water, behind which rises a wall fifty royal
cubits in width, and two hundred in height. (The royal cubit is longer
by three fingers' breadth than the common cubit.)
And here I may not omit to tell the use to which the mould dug out
of the great moat was turned, nor the manner wherein the wall was
wrought. As fast as they dug the moat the soil which they got from
the cutting was made into bricks, and when a sufficient number were
completed they baked the bricks in kilns. Then they set to building,
and began with bricking the borders of the moat, after which they
proceeded to construct the wall itself, using throughout for their
cement hot bitumen, and interposing a layer of wattled reeds at every
thirtieth course of the bricks. On the top, along the edges of the
wall, they constructed buildings of a single chamber facing one another,
leaving between them room for a four-horse chariot to turn. In the
circuit of the wall are a hundred gates, all of brass, with brazen
lintels and side-posts. The bitumen used in the work was brought to
Babylon from the Is, a small stream which flows into the Euphrates
at the point where the city of the same name stands, eight days' journey
from Babylon. Lumps of bitumen are found in great abundance in this
river.
The city is divided into two portions by the river which runs through
the midst of it. This river is the Euphrates, a broad, deep, swift
stream, which rises in Armenia, and empties itself into the Erythraean
sea. The city wall is brought down on both sides to the edge of the
stream: thence, from the corners of the wall, there is carried along
each bank of the river a fence of burnt bricks. The houses are mostly
three and four stories high; the streets all run in straight lines,
not only those parallel to the river, but also the cross streets which
lead down to the water-side. At the river end of these cross streets
are low gates in the fence that skirts the stream, which are, like
the great gates in the outer wall, of brass, and open on the water.
The outer wall is the main defence of the city. There is, however,
a second inner wall, of less thickness than the first, but very little
inferior to it in strength. The centre of each division of the town
was occupied by a fortress. In the one stood the palace of the kings,
surrounded by a wall of great strength and size: in the other was
the sacred precinct of Jupiter Belus, a square enclosure two furlongs
each way, with gates of solid brass; which was also remaining in my
time. In the middle of the precinct there was a tower of solid masonry,
a furlong in length and breadth, upon which was raised a second tower,
and on that a third, and so on up to eight. The ascent to the top
is on the outside, by a path which winds round all the towers. When
one is about half-way up, one finds a resting-place and seats, where
persons are wont to sit some time on their way to the summit. On the
topmost tower there is a spacious temple, and inside the temple stands
a couch of unusual size, richly adorned, with a golden table by its
side. There is no statue of any kind set up in the place, nor is the
chamber occupied of nights by any one but a single native woman, who,
as the Chaldaeans, the priests of this god, affirm, is chosen for
himself by the deity out of all the women of the land.
They also declare- but I for my part do not credit it- that the god
comes down in person into this chamber, and sleeps upon the couch.
This is like the story told by the Egyptians of what takes place in
their city of Thebes, where a woman always passes the night in the
temple of the Theban Jupiter. In each case the woman is said to be
debarred all intercourse with men. It is also like the custom of Patara,
in Lycia, where the priestess who delivers the oracles, during the
time that she is so employed- for at Patara there is not always an
oracle- is shut up in the temple every night.
Below, in the same precinct, there is a second temple, in which is
a sitting figure of Jupiter, all of gold. Before the figure stands
a large golden table, and the throne whereon it sits, and the base
on which the throne is placed, are likewise of gold. The Chaldaeans
told me that all the gold together was eight hundred talents' weight.
Outside the temple are two altars, one of solid gold, on which it
is only lawful to offer sucklings; the other a common altar, but of
great size, on which the full-grown animals are sacrificed. It is
also on the great altar that the Chaldaeans burn the frankincense,
which is offered to the amount of a thousand talents' weight, every
year, at the festival of the God. In the time of Cyrus there was likewise
in this temple a figure of a man, twelve cubits high, entirely of
solid gold. I myself did not see this figure, but I relate what the
Chaldaeans report concerning it. Darius, the son of Hystaspes, plotted
to carry the statue off, but had not the hardihood to lay his hands
upon it. Xerxes, however, the son of Darius, killed the priest who
forbade him to move the statue, and took it away. Besides the ornaments
which I have mentioned, there are a large number of private offerings
in this holy precinct.
Many sovereigns have ruled over this city of Babylon, and lent their
aid to the building of its walls and the adornment of its temples,
of whom I shall make mention in my Assyrian history. Among them two
were women. Of these, the earlier, called Semiramis, held the throne
five generations before the later princess. She raised certain embankments
well worthy of inspection, in the plain near Babylon, to control the
river, which, till then, used to overflow, and flood the whole country
round about.
The later of the two queens, whose name was Nitocris, a wiser princess
than her predecessor, not only left behind her, as memorials of her
occupancy of the throne, the works which I shall presently describe,
but also, observing the great power and restless enterprise of the
Medes, who had taken so large a number of cities, and among them Nineveh,
and expecting to be attacked in her turn, made all possible exertions
to increase the defences of her empire. And first, whereas the river
Euphrates, which traverses the city, ran formerly with a straight
course to Babylon, she, by certain excavations which she made at some
distance up the stream, rendered it so winding that it comes three
several times in sight of the same village, a village in Assyria,
which is called Ardericea; and to this day, they who would go from
our sea to Babylon, on descending to the river touch three times,
and on three different days, at this very place. She also made an
embankment along each side of the Euphrates, wonderful both for breadth
and height, and dug a basin for a lake a great way above Babylon,
close alongside of the stream, which was sunk everywhere to the point
where they came to water, and was of such breadth that the whole circuit
measured four hundred and twenty furlongs. The soil dug out of this
basin was made use of in the embankments along the waterside. When
the excavation was finished, she had stones brought, and bordered
with them the entire margin of the reservoir. These two things were
done, the river made to wind, and the lake excavated, that the stream
might be slacker by reason of the number of curves, and the voyage
be rendered circuitous, and that at the end of the voyage it might
be necessary to skirt the lake and so make a long round. All these
works were on that side of Babylon where the passes lay, and the roads
into Media were the straightest, and the aim of the queen in making
them was to prevent the Medes from holding intercourse with the Babylonians,
and so to keep them in ignorance of her affairs.
While the soil from the excavation was being thus used for the defence
of the city, Nitocris engaged also in another undertaking, a mere
by-work compared with those we have already mentioned. The city, as
I said, was divided by the river into two distinct portions. Under
the former kings, if a man wanted to pass from one of these divisions
to the other, he had to cross in a boat; which must, it seems to me,
have been very troublesome. Accordingly, while she was digging the
lake, Nitocris be. thought herself of turning it to a use which should
at once remove this inconvenience, and enable her to leave another
monument of her reign over Babylon. She gave orders for the hewing
of immense blocks of stone, and when they were ready and the basin
was excavated, she turned the entire stream of the Euphrates into
the cutting, and thus for a time, while the basin was filling, the
natural channel of the river was left dry. Forthwith she set to work,
and in the first place lined the banks of the stream within the city
with quays of burnt brick, and also bricked the landing-places opposite
the river-gates, adopting throughout the same fashion of brickwork
which had been used in the town wall; after which, with the materials
which had been prepared, she built, as near the middle of the town
as possible, a stone bridge, the blocks whereof were bound together
with iron and lead. In the daytime square wooden platforms were laid
along from pier to pier, on which the inhabitants crossed the stream;
but at night they were withdrawn, to prevent people passing from side
to side in the dark to commit robberies. When the river had filled
the cutting, and the bridge was finished, the Euphrates was turned
back again into its ancient bed; and thus the basin, transformed suddenly
into a lake, was seen to answer the purpose for which it was made,
and the inhabitants, by help of the basin, obtained the advantage
of a bridge.
It was this same princess by whom a remarkable deception was planned.
She had her tomb constructed in the upper part of one of the principal
gateways of the city, high above the heads of the passers by, with
this inscription cut upon it:- "If there be one among my successors
on the throne of Babylon who is in want of treasure, let him open
my tomb, and take as much as he chooses- not, however, unless he be
truly in want, for it will not be for his good." This tomb continued
untouched until Darius came to the kingdom. To him it seemed a monstrous
thing that he should be unable to use one of the gates of the town,
and that a sum of money should be lying idle, and moreover inviting
his grasp, and he not seize upon it. Now he could not use the gate,
because, as he drove through, the dead body would have been over his
head. Accordingly he opened the tomb; but instead of money, found
only the dead body, and a writing which said- "Hadst thou not been
insatiate of pelf, and careless how thou gottest it, thou wouldst
not have broken open the sepulchres of the dead."
The expedition of Cyrus was undertaken against the son of this princess,
who bore the same name as his father Labynetus, and was king of the
Assyrians. The Great King, when he goes to the wars, is always supplied
with provisions carefully prepared at home, and with cattle of his
own. Water too from the river Choaspes, which flows by Susa, is taken
with him for his drink, as that is the only water which the kings
of Persia taste. Wherever he travels, he is attended by a number of
four-wheeled cars drawn by mules, in which the Choaspes water, ready
boiled for use, and stored in flagons of silver, is moved with him
from place to place.
Cyrus on his way to Babylon came to the banks of the Gyndes, a stream
which, rising in the Matienian mountains, runs through the country
of the Dardanians, and empties itself into the river Tigris. The Tigris,
after receiving the Gyndes, flows on by the city of Opis, and discharges
its waters into the Erythraean sea. When Cyrus reached this stream,
which could only be passed in boats, one of the sacred white horses
accompanying his march, full of spirit and high mettle, walked into
the water, and tried to cross by himself; but the current seized him,
swept him along with it, and drowned him in its depths. Cyrus, enraged
at the insolence of the river, threatened so to break its strength
that in future even women should cross it easily without wetting their
knees. Accordingly he put off for a time his attack on Babylon, and,
dividing his army into two parts, he marked out by ropes one hundred
and eighty trenches on each side of the Gyndes, leading off from it
in all directions, and setting his army to dig, some on one side of
the river, some on the other, he accomplished his threat by the aid
of so great a number of hands, but not without losing thereby the
whole summer season.
Having, however, thus wreaked his vengeance on the Gyndes, by dispersing
it through three hundred and sixty channels, Cyrus, with the first
approach of the ensuing spring, marched forward against Babylon. The
Babylonians, encamped without their walls, awaited his coming. A battle
was fought at a short distance from the city, in which the Babylonians
were defeated by the Persian king, whereupon they withdrew within
their defences. Here they shut themselves up, and made light of his
siege, having laid in a store of provisions for many years in preparation
against this attack; for when they saw Cyrus conquering nation after
nation, they were convinced that he would never stop, and that their
turn would come at last.
Cyrus was now reduced to great perplexity, as time went on and he
made no progress against the place. In this distress either some one
made the suggestion to him, or he bethought himself of a plan, which
he proceeded to put in execution. He placed a portion of his army
at the point where the river enters the city, and another body at
the back of the place where it issues forth, with orders to march
into the town by the bed of the stream, as soon as the water became
shallow enough: he then himself drew off with the unwarlike portion
of his host, and made for the place where Nitocris dug the basin for
the river, where he did exactly what she had done formerly: he turned
the Euphrates by a canal into the basin, which was then a marsh, on
which the river sank to such an extent that the natural bed of the
stream became fordable. Hereupon the Persians who had been left for
the purpose at Babylon by the, river-side, entered the stream, which
had now sunk so as to reach about midway up a man's thigh, and thus
got into the town. Had the Babylonians been apprised of what Cyrus
was about, or had they noticed their danger, they would never have
allowed the Persians to enter the city, but would have destroyed them
utterly; for they would have made fast all the street-gates which
gave upon the river, and mounting upon the walls along both sides
of the stream, would so have caught the enemy, as it were, in a trap.
But, as it was, the Persians came upon them by surprise and so took
the city. Owing to the vast size of the place, the inhabitants of
the central parts (as the residents at Babylon declare) long after
the outer portions of the town were taken, knew nothing of what had
chanced, but as they were engaged in a festival, continued dancing
and revelling until they learnt the capture but too certainly. Such,
then, were the circumstances of the first taking of Babylon.
Among many proofs which I shall bring forward of the power and resources
of the Babylonians, the following is of special account. The whole
country under the dominion of the Persians, besides paying a fixed
tribute, is parcelled out into divisions, which have to supply food
to the Great King and his army during different portions of the year.
Now out of the twelve months which go to a year, the district of Babylon
furnishes food during four, the other of Asia during eight; by the
which it appears that Assyria, in respect of resources, is one-third
of the whole of Asia. Of all the Persian governments, or satrapies
as they are called by the natives, this is by far the best. When Tritantaechmes,
son of Artabazus, held it of the king, it brought him in an artaba
of silver every day. The artaba is a Persian measure, and holds three
choenixes more than the medimnus of the Athenians. He also had, belonging
to his own private stud, besides war horses, eight hundred stallions
and sixteen thousand mares, twenty to each stallion. Besides which
he kept so great a number of Indian hounds, that four large villages
of the plain were exempted from all other charges on condition of
finding them in food.
But little rain falls in Assyria, enough, however, to make the corn
begin to sprout, after which the plant is nourished and the ears formed
by means of irrigation from the river. For the river does not, as
in Egypt, overflow the corn-lands of its own accord, but is spread
over them by the hand, or by the help of engines. The whole of Babylonia
is, like Egypt, intersected with canals. The largest of them all,
which runs towards the winter sun, and is impassable except in boats,
is carried from the Euphrates into another stream, called the Tigris,
the river upon which the town of Nineveh formerly stood. Of all the
countries that we know there is none which is so fruitful in grain.
It makes no pretension indeed of growing the fig, the olive, the vine,
or any other tree of the kind; but in grain it is so fruitful as to
yield commonly two-hundred-fold, and when the production is the greatest,
even three-hundred-fold. The blade of the wheat-plant and barley-plant
is often four fingers in breadth. As for the millet and the sesame,
I shall not say to what height they grow, though within my own knowledge;
for I am not ignorant that what I have already written concerning
the fruitfulness of Babylonia must seem incredible to those who have
never visited the country. The only oil they use is made from the
sesame-plant. Palm-trees grow in great numbers over the whole of the
flat country, mostly of the kind which bears fruit, and this fruit
supplies them with bread, wine, and honey. They are cultivated like
the fig-tree in all respects, among others in this. The natives tie
the fruit of the male-palms, as they are called by the Greeks, to
the branches of the date-bearing palm, to let the gall-fly enter the
dates and ripen them, and to prevent the fruit from falling off. The
male-palms, like the wild fig-trees, have usually the gall-fly in
their fruit.
But that which surprises me most in the land, after the city itself,
I will now proceed to mention. The boats which come down the river
to Babylon are circular, and made of skins. The frames, which are
of willow, are cut in the country of the Armenians above Assyria,
and on these, which serve for hulls, a covering of skins is stretched
outside, and thus the boats are made, without either stem or stern,
quite round like a shield. They are then entirely filled with straw,
and their cargo is put on board, after which they are suffered to
float down the stream. Their chief freight is wine, stored in casks
made of the wood of the palm-tree. They are managed by two men who
stand upright in them, each plying an oar, one pulling and the other
pushing. The boats are of various sizes, some larger, some smaller;
the biggest reach as high as five thousand talents' burthen. Each
vessel has a live ass on board; those of larger size have more than
one. When they reach Babylon, the cargo is landed and offered for
sale; after which the men break up their boats, sell the straw and
the frames, and loading their asses with the skins, set off on their
way back to Armenia. The current is too strong to allow a boat to
return upstream, for which reason they make their boats of skins rather
than wood. On their return to Armenia they build fresh boats for the
next voyage.
The dress of the Babylonians is a linen tunic reaching to the feet,
and above it another tunic made in wool, besides which they have a
short white cloak thrown round them, and shoes of a peculiar fashion,
not unlike those worn by the Boeotians. They have long hair, wear
turbans on their heads, and anoint their whole body with perfumes.
Every one carries a seal, and a walking-stick, carved at the top into
the form of an apple, a rose, a lily, an eagle, or something similar;
for it is not their habit to use a stick without an ornament.