The Early History of Persia
Thus far I have been engaged in showing how the Lydians were brought under the Persian yoke. The course of my history now compels me to inquire who this Cyrus was by whom the Lydian empire was destroyed, and by what means the Persians had become the lords paramount of Asia. And herein I shall follow those Persian authorities whose object it appears to be not to magnify the exploits of Cyrus, but to relate the simple truth. I know besides three ways in which the story of Cyrus is told, all differing from my own narrative. The Assyrians had held the Empire of Upper Asia for the space of five hundred and twenty years, when the Medes set the example of revolt from their authority. They took arms for the recovery of their freedom, and fought a battle with the Assyrians, in which they behaved with such gallantry as to shake off the yoke of servitude, and to become a free people. Upon their success the other nations also revolted and regained their independence. Thus the nations over that whole extent of country obtained the blessing of self-government, but they fell again under the sway of kings, in the manner which I will now relate. There was a certain Mede named Deioces, son of Phraortes, a man of much wisdom, who had conceived the desire of obtaining to himself the sovereign power. In furtherance of his ambition, therefore, he formed and carried into execution the following scheme. As the Medes at that time dwelt in scattered villages without any central authority, and lawlessness in consequence prevailed throughout the land, Deioces, who was already a man of mark in his own village, applied himself with greater zeal and earnestness than ever before to the practice of justice among his fellows. It was his conviction that justice and injustice are engaged in perpetual war with one another. He therefore began his course of conduct, and presently the men of his village, observing his integrity, chose him to be the arbiter of all their disputes. Bent on obtaining the sovereign power, he showed himself an honest and an upright judge, and by these means gained such credit with his fellow-citizens as to attract the attention of those who lived in the surrounding villages. They had long been suffering from unjust and oppressive judgments; so that, when they heard of the singular uprightness of Deioces, and of the equity of his decisions, they joyfully had recourse to him in the various quarrels and suits that arose, until at last they came to put confidence in no one else. The number of complaints brought before him continually increasing, as people learnt more and more the fairness of his judgments, Deioces, feeling himself now all important, announced that he did not intend any longer to hear causes, and appeared no more in the seat in which he had been accustomed to sit and administer justice. "It did not square with his interests," he said, "to spend the whole day in regulating other men's affairs to the neglect of his own." Hereupon robbery and lawlessness broke out afresh, and prevailed through the country even more than heretofore; wherefore the Medes assembled from all quarters, and held a consultation on the state of affairs. The speakers, as I think, were chiefly friends of Deioces. "We cannot possibly," they said, "go on living in this country if things continue as they now are; let us therefore set a king over us, that so the land may be well governed, and we ourselves may be able to attend to our own affairs, and not be forced to quit our country on account of anarchy." The assembly was persuaded by these arguments, and resolved to appoint a king. It followed to determine who should be chosen to the office. When this debate began the claims of Deioces and his praises were at once in every mouth; so that presently all agreed that he should be king. Upon this he required a palace to be built for him suitable to his rank, and a guard to be given him for his person. The Medes complied, and built him a strong and large palace, on a spot which he himself pointed out, and likewise gave him liberty to choose himself a bodyguard from the whole nation. Thus settled upon the throne, he further required them to build a single great city, and, disregarding the petty towns in which they had formerly dwelt, make the new capital the object of their chief attention. The Medes were again obedient, and built the city now called Agbatana, the walls of which are of great size and strength, rising in circles one within the other. The plan of the place is that each of the walls should out-top the one beyond it by the battlements. The nature of the ground, which is a gentle hill, favours this arrangement in some degree, but it was mainly effected by art. The number of the circles is seven, the royal palace and the treasuries standing within the last. The circuit of the outer wall is very nearly the same with that of Athens. Of this wall the battlements are white, of the next black, of the third scarlet, of the fourth blue, of the fifth orange; all these are coloured with paint. The two last have their battlements coated respectively with silver and gold. All these fortifications Deioces caused to be raised for himself and his own palace. The people were required to build their dwellings outside the circuit of the walls. When the town was finished, he proceeded to arrange the ceremonial. He allowed no one to have direct access to the person of the king, but made all communication pass through the hands of messengers, and forbade the king to be seen by his subjects. He also made it an offence for any one whatsoever to laugh or spit in the royal presence. This ceremonial, of which he was the first inventor, Deioces established for his own security, fearing that his compeers, who were brought up together with him, and were of as good family as he, and no whit inferior to him in manly qualities, if they saw him frequently would be pained at the sight, and would therefore be likely to conspire against him; whereas if they did not see him, they would think him quite a different sort of being from themselves. After completing these arrangements, and firmly settling himself upon the throne, Deioces continued to administer justice with the same strictness as before. Causes were stated in writing, and sent in to the king, who passed his judgment upon the contents, and transmitted his decisions to the parties concerned: besides which he had spies and eavesdroppers in all parts of his dominions, and if he heard of any act of oppression, he sent for the guilty party, and awarded him the punishment meet for his offence. Thus Deioces collected the Medes into a nation, and ruled over them alone. Now these are the tribes of which they consist: the Busae, the Paretaceni, the Struchates, the Arizanti, the Budii, and the Magi. Having reigned three-and-fifty years, Deioces was at his death succeeded by his son Phraortes. This prince, not satisfied with a dominion which did not extend beyond the single nation of the Medes, began by attacking the Persians; and marching an army into their country, brought them under the Median yoke before any other people. After this success, being now at the head of two nations, both of them powerful, he proceeded to conquer Asia, overrunning province after province. At last he engaged in war with the Assyrians- those Assyrians, I mean, to whom Nineveh belonged, who were formerly the lords of Asia. At present they stood alone by the revolt and desertion of their allies, yet still their internal condition was as flourishing as ever. Phraortes attacked them, but perished in the expedition with the greater part of his army, after having reigned over the Medes two-and-twenty years. On the death of Phraortes his son Cyaxares ascended the throne. Of him it is reported that he was still more war-like than any of his ancestors, and that he was the first who gave organisation to an Asiatic army, dividing the troops into companies, and forming distinct bodies of the spearmen, the archers, and the cavalry, who before his time had been mingled in one mass, and confused together. He it was who fought against the Lydians on the occasion when the day was changed suddenly into night, and who brought under his dominion the whole of Asia beyond the Halys. This prince, collecting together all the nations which owned his sway, marched against Nineveh, resolved to avenge his father, and cherishing a hope that he might succeed in taking the town. A battle was fought, in which the Assyrians suffered a defeat, and Cyaxares had already begun the siege of the place, when a numerous horde of Scyths, under their king Madyes, son of Prtotohyes, burst into Asia in pursuit of the Cimmerians whom they had driven out of Europe, and entered the Median territory. The distance from the Palus Maeotis to the river Phasis and the Colchians is thirty days' journey for a lightly-equipped traveller. From Colchis to cross into Media does not take long- there is only a single intervening nation, the Saspirians, passing whom you find yourself in Media. This however was not the road followed by the Scythians, who turned out of the straight course, and took the upper route, which is much longer, keeping the Caucasus upon their right. The Scythians, having thus invaded Media, were opposed by the Medes, who gave them battle, but, being defeated, lost their empire. The Scythians became masters of Asia. After this they marched forward with the design of invading Egypt. When they had reached Palestine, however, Psammetichus the Egyptian king met them with gifts and prayers, and prevailed on them to advance no further. On their return, passing through Ascalon, a city of Syria, the greater part of them went their way without doing any damage; but some few who lagged behind pillaged the temple of Celestial Venus. I have inquired and find that the temple at Ascalon is the most ancient of all the temples to this goddess; for the one in Cyprus, as the Cyprians themselves admit, was built in imitation of it; and that in Cythera was erected by the Phoenicians, who belong to this part of Syria. The Scythians who plundered the temple were punished by the goddess with the female sickness, which still attaches to their posterity. They themselves confess that they are afflicted with the disease for this reason, and travellers who visit Scythia can see what sort of a disease it is. Those who suffer from it are called Enarees. The dominion of the Scythians over Asia lasted eight-and-twenty years, during which time their insolence and oppression spread ruin on every side. For besides the regular tribute, they exacted from the several nations additional imposts, which they fixed at pleasure; and further, they scoured the country and plundered every one of whatever they could. At length Cyaxares and the Medes invited the greater part of them to a banquet, and made them drunk with wine, after which they were all massacred. The Medes then recovered their empire, and had the same extent of dominion as before. They took Nineveh- I will relate how in another history- and conquered all Assyria except the district of Babylonia. After this Cyaxares died, having reigned over the Medes, if we include the time of the Scythian rule, forty years. Astyages, the son of Cyaxares, succeeded to the throne. He had a daughter who was named Mandane concerning whom he had a wonderful dream. He dreamt that from her such a stream of water flowed forth as not only to fill his capital, but to flood the whole of Asia. This vision he laid before such of the Magi as had the gift of interpreting dreams, who expounded its meaning to him in full, whereat he was greatly terrified. On this account, when his daughter was now of ripe age, he would not give her in marriage to any of the Medes who were of suitable rank, lest the dream should be accomplished; but he married her to a Persian of good family indeed, but of a quiet temper, whom he looked on as much inferior to a Mede of even middle condition. Thus Cambyses (for so was the Persian called) wedded Mandane, and took her to his home, after which, in the very first year, Astyages saw another vision. He fancied that a vine grew from the womb of his daughter, and overshadowed the whole of Asia. After this dream, which he submitted also to the interpreters, he sent to Persia and fetched away Mandane, who was now with child, and was not far from her time. On her arrival he set a watch over her, intending to destroy the child to which she should give birth; for the Magian interpreters had expounded the vision to foreshow that the offspring of his daughter would reign over Asia in his stead. To guard against this, Astyages, as soon as Cyrus was born, sent for Harpagus, a man of his own house and the most faithful of the Medes, to whom he was wont to entrust all his affairs, and addressed him thus- "Harpagus, I beseech thee neglect not the business with which I am about to charge thee; neither betray thou the interests of thy lord for others' sake, lest thou bring destruction on thine own head at some future time. Take the child born of Mandane my daughter; carry him with thee to thy home and slay him there. Then bury him as thou wilt." "Oh! king," replied the other, "never in time past did Harpagus disoblige thee in anything, and be sure that through all future time he will be careful in nothing to offend. If therefore it be thy will that this thing be done, it is for me to serve thee with all diligence." When Harpagus had thus answered, the child was given into his hands, clothed in the garb of death, and he hastened weeping to his home. There on his arrival he found his wife, to whom he told all that Astyages had said. "What then," said she, "is it now in thy heart to do?" "Not what Astyages requires," he answered; "no, he may be madder and more frantic still than he is now, but I will not be the man to work his will, or lend a helping hand to such a murder as this. Many things forbid my slaying him. In the first place the boy is my own kith and kin; and next Astyages is old, and has no son. If then when he dies the crown should go to his daughter- that daughter whose child he now wishes to slay by my hand- what remains for me but danger of the fearfullest kind? For my own safety, indeed, the child must die; but some one belonging to Astyages must take his life, not I or mine." So saying he sent off a messenger to fetch a certain Mitradates, one of the herdsmen of Astyages, whose pasturages he knew to be the fittest for his purpose, lying as they did among mountains infested with wild beasts. This man was married to one of the king's female slaves, whose Median name was Spaco, which is in Greek Cyno, since in the Median tongue the word "Spaca" means a bitch. The mountains, on the skirts of which his cattle grazed, lie to the north of Agbatana, towards the Euxine. That part of Media which borders on the Saspirians is an elevated tract, very mountainous, and covered with forests, while the rest of the Median territory is entirely level ground. On the arrival of the herdsman, who came at the hasty summons, Harpagus said to him- "Astyages requires thee to take this child and lay him in the wildest part of the hills, where he will be sure to die speedily. And he bade me tell thee, that if thou dost not kill the boy, but anyhow allowest him to escape, he will put thee to the most painful of deaths. I myself am appointed to see the child exposed." The herdsman on hearing this took the child in his arms, and went back the way he had come till he reached the folds. There, providentially, his wife, who had been expecting daily to be put to bed, had just, during the absence of her husband, been delivered of a child. Both the herdsman and his wife were uneasy on each other's account, the former fearful because his wife was so near her time, the woman alarmed because it was a new thing for her husband to be sent for by Harpagus. When therefore he came into the house upon his return, his wife, seeing him arrive so unexpectedly, was the first to speak, and begged to know why Harpagus had sent for him in such a hurry. "Wife," said he, "when I got to the town I saw and heard such things as I would to heaven I had never seen such things as I would to heaven had never happened to our masters. Every one was weeping in Harpagus's house. It quite frightened me, but I went in. The moment I stepped inside, what should I see but a baby lying on the floor, panting and whimpering, and all covered with gold, and wrapped in clothes of such beautiful colours. Harpagus saw me, and directly ordered me to take the child my arms and carry him off, and what was I to do with him, think you? Why, to lay him in the mountains, where the wild beasts are most plentiful. And he told me it was the king himself that ordered it to be done, and he threatened me with such dreadful things if I failed. So I took the child up in my arms, and carried him along. I thought it might be the son of one of the household slaves. I did wonder certainly to see the gold and the beautiful baby-clothes, and I could not think why there was such a weeping in Harpagus's house. Well, very soon, as I came along, I got at the truth. They sent a servant with me to show me the way out of the town, and to leave the baby in my hands; and he told me that the child's mother is the king's daughter Mandane, and his father Cambyses, the son of Cyrus; and that the king orders him to be killed; and look, here the child is." With this the herdsman uncovered the infant, and showed him to his wife, who, when she saw him, and observed how fine a child and how beautiful he was, burst into tears, and clinging to the knees of her husband, besought him on no account to expose the babe; to which he answered, that it was not possible for him to do otherwise, as Harpagus would be sure to send persons to see and report to him, and he was to suffer a most cruel death if he disobeyed. Failing thus in her first attempt to persuade her husband, the woman spoke a second time, saying, "If then there is no persuading thee, and a child must needs be seen exposed upon the mountains, at least do thus. The child of which I have just been delivered is stillborn; take it and lay it on the hills, and let us bring up as our own the child of the daughter of Astyages. So shalt thou not be charged with unfaithfulness to thy lord, nor shall we have managed badly for ourselves. Our dead babe will have a royal funeral, and this living child will not be deprived of life." It seemed to the herdsman that this advice was the best under the circumstances. He therefore followed it without loss of time. The child which he had intended to put to death he gave over to his wife, and his own dead child he put in the cradle wherein he had carried the other, clothing it first in all the other's costly attire, and taking it in his arms he laid it in the wildest place of all the mountain-range. When the child had been three days exposed, leaving one of his helpers to watch the body, he started off for the city, and going straight to Harpagus's house, declared himself ready to show the corpse of the boy. Harpagus sent certain of his bodyguard, on whom he had the firmest reliance, to view the body for him, and, satisfied with their seeing it, gave orders for the funeral. Thus was the herdsman's child buried, and the other child, who was afterwards known by the name of Cyrus, was taken by the herdsman's wife, and brought up under a different name. When the boy was in his tenth year, an accident which I will now relate, caused it to be discovered who he was. He was at play one day in the village where the folds of the cattle were, along with the boys of his own age, in the street. The other boys who were playing with him chose the cowherd's son, as he was called, to be their king. He then proceeded to order them about some he set to build him houses, others he made his guards, one of them was to be the king's eye, another had the office of carrying his messages; all had some task or other. Among the boys there was one, the son of Artembares, a Mede of distinction, who refused to do what Cyrus had set him. Cyrus told the other boys to take him into custody, and when his orders were obeyed, he chastised him most severely with the whip. The son of Artembares, as soon as he was let go, full of rage at treatment so little befitting his rank, hastened to the city and complained bitterly to his father of what had been done to him by Cyrus. He did not, of course, say "Cyrus," by which name the boy was not yet known, but called him the son of the king's cowherd. Artembares, in the heat of his passion, went to Astyages, accompanied by his son, and made complaint of the gross injury which had been done him. Pointing to the boy's shoulders, he exclaimed, "Thus, oh! king, has thy slave, the son of a cowherd, heaped insult upon us." At this sight and these words Astyages, wishing to avenge the son of Artembares for his father's sake, sent for the cowherd and his boy. When they came together into his presence, fixing his eyes on Cyrus, Astyages said, "Hast thou then, the son of so mean a fellow as that, dared to behave thus rudely to the son of yonder noble, one of the first in my court?" "My lord," replied the boy, "I only treated him as he deserved. I was chosen king in play by the boys of our village, because they thought me the best for it. He himself was one of the boys who chose me. All the others did according to my orders; but he refused, and made light of them, until at last he got his due reward. If for this I deserve to suffer punishment, here I am ready to submit to it." While the boy was yet speaking Astyages was struck with a suspicion who he was. He thought he saw something in the character of his face like his own, and there was a nobleness about the answer he had made; besides which his age seemed to tally with the time when his grandchild was exposed. Astonished at all this, Astyages could not speak for a while. At last, recovering himself with difficulty, and wishing to be quit of Artembares, that he might examine the herdsman alone, he said to the former, "I promise thee, Artembares, so to settle this business that neither thou nor thy son shall have any cause to complain." Artembares retired from his presence, and the attendants, at the bidding of the king, led Cyrus into an inner apartment. Astyages then being left alone with the herdsman, inquired of him where he had got the boy, and who had given him to him; to which he made answer that the lad was his own child, begotten by himself, and that the mother who bore him was still alive with him in his house. Astyages remarked that he was very ill-advised to bring himself into such great trouble, and at the same time signed to his bodyguard to lay hold of him. Then the herdsman, as they were dragging him to the rack, began at the beginning, and told the whole story exactly as it happened, without concealing anything, ending with entreaties and prayers to the king to grant him forgiveness. Astyages, having got the truth of the matter from the herdsman, was very little further concerned about him, but with Harpagus he was exceedingly enraged. The guards were bidden to summon him into the presence, and on his appearance Astyages asked him, "By what death was it, Harpagus, that thou slewest the child of my daughter whom I gave into thy hands?" Harpagus, seeing the cowherd in the room, did not betake himself to lies, lest he should be confuted and proved false, but replied as follows:- "Sire, when thou gavest the child into my hands I instantly considered with myself how I could contrive to execute thy wishes, and yet, while guiltless of any unfaithfulness towards thee, avoid imbruing my hands in blood which was in truth thy daughter's and thine own. And this was how I contrived it. I sent for this cowherd, and gave the child over to him, telling him that by the king's orders it was to be put to death. And in this I told no lie, for thou hadst so commanded. Moreover, when I gave him the child, I enjoined him to lay it somewhere in the wilds of the mountains, and to stay near and watch till it was dead; and I threatened him with all manner of punishment if he failed. Afterwards, when he had done according to all that I commanded him, and the child had died, I sent some of the most trustworthy of my eunuchs, who viewed the body for me, and then I had the child buried. This, sire, is the simple truth, and this is the death by which the child died." Thus Harpagus related the whole story in a plain, straightforward way; upon which Astyages, letting no sign escape him of the anger that he felt, began by repeating to him all that he had just heard from the cowherd, and then concluded with saying, "So the boy is alive, and it is best as it is. For the child's fate was a great sorrow to me, and the reproaches of my daughter went to my heart. Truly fortune has played us a good turn in this. Go thou home then, and send thy son to be with the new comer, and to-night, as I mean to sacrifice thank-offerings for the child's safety to the gods to whom such honour is due, I look to have thee a guest at the banquet." Harpagus, on hearing this, made obeisance, and went home rejoicing to find that his disobedience had turned out so fortunately, and that, instead of being punished, he was invited to a banquet given in honour of the happy occasion. The moment he reached home he called for his son, a youth of about thirteen, the only child of his parents, and bade him go to the palace, and do whatever Astyages should direct. Then, in the gladness of his heart, he went to his wife and told her all that had happened. Astyages, meanwhile, took the son of Harpagus, and slew him, after which he cut him in pieces, and roasted some portions before the fire, and boiled others; and when all were duly prepared, he kept them ready for use. The hour for the banquet came, and Harpagus appeared, and with him the other guests, and all sat down to the feast. Astyages and the rest of the guests had joints of meat served up to them; but on the table of Harpagus, nothing was placed except the flesh of his own son. This was all put before him, except the hands and feet and head, which were laid by themselves in a covered basket. When Harpagus seemed to have eaten his fill, Astyages called out to him to know how he had enjoyed the repast. On his reply that he had enjoyed it excessively, they whose business it was brought him the basket, in which were the hands and feet and head of his son, and bade him open it, and take out what he pleased. Harpagus accordingly uncovered the basket, and saw within it the remains of his son. The sight, however, did not scare him, or rob him of his self-possession. Being asked by Astyages if he knew what beast's flesh it was that he had been eating, he answered that he knew very well, and that whatever the king did was agreeable. After this reply, he took with him such morsels of the flesh as were uneaten, and went home, intending, as I conceive, to collect the remains and bury them. Such was the mode in which Astyages punished Harpagus: afterwards, proceeding to consider what he should do with Cyrus, his grandchild, he sent for the Magi, who formerly interpreted his dream in the way which alarmed him so much, and asked them how they had expounded it. They answered, without varying from what they had said before, that "the boy must needs be a king if he grew up, and did not die too soon." Then Astyages addressed them thus: "The boy has escaped, and lives; he has been brought up in the country, and the lads of the village where he lives have made him their king. All that kings commonly do he has done. He has had his guards, and his doorkeepers, and his messengers, and all the other usual officers. Tell me, then, to what, think you, does all this tend?" The Magi answered, "If the boy survives, and has ruled as a king without any craft or contrivance, in that case we bid thee cheer up, and feel no more alarm on his account. He will not reign a second time. For we have found even oracles sometimes fulfilled in an unimportant way; and dreams, still oftener, have wondrously mean accomplishments." "It is what I myself most incline to think," Astyages rejoined; "the boy having been already king, the dream is out, and I have nothing more to fear from him. Nevertheless, take good heed and counsel me the best you can for the safety of my house and your own interests." "Truly," said the Magi in reply, "it very much concerns our interests that thy kingdom be firmly established; for if it went to this boy it would pass into foreign hands, since he is a Persian: and then we Medes should lose our freedom, and be quite despised by the Persians, as being foreigners. But so long as thou, our fellow-countryman, art on the throne, all manner of honours are ours, and we are even not without some share in the government. Much reason therefore have we to forecast well for thee and for thy sovereignty. If then we saw any cause for present fear, be sure we would not keep it back from thee. But truly we are persuaded that the dream has had its accomplishment in this harmless way; and so our own fears being at rest, we recommend thee to banish thine. As for the boy, our advice is that thou send him away to Persia, to his father and mother." Astyages heard their answer with pleasure, and calling Cyrus into his presence, said to him, "My child, I was led to do thee a wrong by a dream which has come to nothing: from that wrong thou wert saved by thy own good fortune. Go now with a light heart to Persia; I will provide thy escort. Go, and when thou gettest to thy journey's end, thou wilt behold thy father and thy mother, quite other people from Mitradates the cowherd and his wife." With these words Astyages dismissed his grandchild. On his arrival at the house of Cambyses, he was received by his parents, who, when they learnt who he was, embraced him heartily, having always been convinced that he died almost as soon as he was born. So they asked him by what means he had chanced to escape; and he told them how that till lately he had known nothing at all about the matter, but had been mistaken- oh! so widely!- and how that he had learnt his history by the way, as he came from Media. He had been quite sure that he was the son of the king's cowherd, but on the road the king's escort had told him all the truth; and then he spoke of the cowherd's wife who had brought him up, and filled his whole talk with her praises; in all that he had to tell them about himself, it was always Cyno- Cyno was everything. So it happened that his parents, catching the name at his mouth, and wishing to persuade the Persians that there was a special providence in his preservation, spread the report that Cyrus, when he was exposed, was suckled by a bitch. This was the sole origin of the rumour. Afterwards, when Cyrus grew to manhood, and became known as the bravest and most popular of all his compeers, Harpagus, who was bent on revenging himself upon Astyages, began to pay him court by gifts and messages. His own rank was too humble for him to hope to obtain vengeance without some foreign help. When therefore he saw Cyrus, whose wrongs were so similar to his own, growing up expressly (as it were) to be the avenger whom he needed, he set to work to procure his support and aid in the matter. He had already paved the way for his designs, by persuading, severally, the great Median nobles, whom the harsh rule of their monarch had offended, that the best plan would be to put Cyrus at their head, and dethrone Astyages. These preparations made, Harpagus, being now ready for revolt, was anxious to make known his wishes to Cyrus, who still lived in Persia; but as the roads between Media and Persia were guarded, he had to contrive a means of sending word secretly, which he did in the following way. He took a hare, and cutting open its belly without hurting the fur, he slipped in a letter containing what he wanted to say, and then carefully sewing up the paunch, he gave the hare to one of his most faithful slaves, disguising him as a hunter with nets, and sent him off to Persia to take the game as a present to Cyrus, bidding him tell Cyrus, by word of mouth, to paunch the animal himself, and let no one be present at the time. All was done as he wished, and Cyrus, on cutting the hare open, found the letter inside, and read as follows:- "Son of Cambyses, the gods assuredly watch over thee, or never wouldst thou have passed through thy many wonderful adventures- now is the time when thou mayst avenge thyself upon Astyages, thy murderer. He willed thy death, remember; to the gods and to me thou owest that thou art still alive. I think thou art not ignorant of what he did to thee, nor of what I suffered at his hands because I committed thee to the cowherd, and did not put thee to death. Listen now to me, and obey my words, and all the empire of Astyages shall be thine. Raise the standard of revolt in Persia, and then march straight on Media. Whether Astyages appoint me to command his forces against thee, or whether he appoint any other of the princes of the Medes, all will go as thou couldst wish. They will be the first to fall away from him, and joining thy side, exert themselves to overturn his power. Be sure that on our part all is ready; wherefore do thou thy part, and that speedily." Cyrus, on receiving the tidings contained in this letter, set himself to consider how he might best persuade the Persians to revolt. After much thought, he hit on the following as the most expedient course: he wrote what he thought proper upon a roll, and then calling an assembly of the Persians, he unfolded the roll, and read out of it that Astyages appointed him their general. "And now," said he, "since it is so, I command you to go and bring each man his reaping-hook." With these words he dismissed the assembly. Now the Persian nation is made up of many tribes. Those which Cyrus assembled and persuaded to revolt from the Medes were the principal ones on which all the others are dependent. These are the Pasargadae, the Maraphians, and the Maspians, of whom the Pasargadae are the noblest. The Achaemenidae, from which spring all the Perseid kings, is one of their clans. The rest of the Persian tribes are the following: the Panthialaeans, the Derusiaeans, the Germanians, who are engaged in husbandry; the Daans, the Mardians, the Dropicans, and the Sagartians, who are nomads. When, in obedience to the orders which they had received, the Persians came with their reaping-hooks, Cyrus led them to a tract of ground, about eighteen or twenty furlongs each way, covered with thorns, and ordered them to clear it before the day was out. They accomplished their task; upon which he issued a second order to them, to take the bath the day following, and again come to him. Meanwhile he collected together all his father's flocks, both sheep and goats, and all his oxen, and slaughtered them, and made ready to give an entertainment to the entire Persian army. Wine, too, and bread of the choicest kinds were prepared for the occasion. When the morrow came, and the Persians appeared, he bade them recline upon the grass, and enjoy themselves. After the feast was over, he requested them to tell him "which they liked best, to-day's work, or yesterday's?" They answered that "the contrast was indeed strong: yesterday brought them nothing but what was bad, to-day everything that was good." Cyrus instantly seized on their reply, and laid bare his purpose in these words: "Ye men of Persia, thus do matters stand with you. If you choose to hearken to my words, you may enjoy these and ten thousand similar delights, and never condescend to any slavish toil; but if you will not hearken, prepare yourselves for unnumbered toils as hard as yesterday's. Now therefore follow my bidding, and be free. For myself I feel that I am destined by Providence to undertake your liberation; and you, I am sure, are no whit inferior to the Medes in anything, least of all in bravery. Revolt, therefore, from Astyages, without a moment's delay." The Persians, who had long been impatient of the Median dominion, now that they had found a leader, were delighted to shake off the yoke. Meanwhile Astyages, informed of the doings of Cyrus, sent a messenger to summon him to his presence. Cyrus replied, "Tell Astyages that I shall appear in his presence sooner than he will like." Astyages, when he received this message, instantly armed all his subjects, and, as if God had deprived him of his senses, appointed Harpagus to be their general, forgetting how greatly he had injured him. So when the two armies met and engaged, only a few of the Medes, who were not in the secret, fought; others deserted openly to the Persians; while the greater number counterfeited fear, and fled. Astyages, on learning the shameful flight and dispersion of his army, broke out into threats against Cyrus, saying, "Cyrus shall nevertheless have no reason to rejoice"; and directly he seized the Magian interpreters, who had persuaded him to allow Cyrus to escape, and impaled them; after which, he armed all the Medes who had remained in the city, both young and old; and leading them against the Persians, fought a battle, in which he was utterly defeated, his army being destroyed, and he himself falling into the enemy's hands. Harpagus then, seeing him a prisoner, came near, and exulted over him with many jibes and jeers. Among other cutting speeches which he made, he alluded to the supper where the flesh of his son was given him to eat, and asked Astyages to answer him now, how he enjoyed being a slave instead of a king? Astyages looked in his face, and asked him in return, why he claimed as his own the achievements of Cyrus? "Because," said Harpagus, "it was my letter which made him revolt, and so I am entitled to all the credit of the enterprise." Then Astyages declared that "in that case he was at once the silliest and the most unjust of men: the silliest, if when it was in his power to put the crown on his own head, as it must assuredly have been, if the revolt was entirely his doing, he had placed it on the head of another; the most unjust, if on account of that supper he had brought slavery on the Medes. For, supposing that he was obliged to invest another with the kingly power, and not retain it himself, yet justice required that a Mede, rather than a Persian, should receive the dignity. Now, however, the Medes, who had been no parties to the wrong of which he complained, were made slaves instead of lords, and slaves moreover of those who till recently had been their subjects." Thus after a reign of thirty-five years, Astyages lost his crown, and the Medes, in consequence of his cruelty, were brought under the rule of the Persians. Their empire over the parts of Asia beyond the Halys had lasted one hundred and twenty-eight years, except during the time when the Scythians had the dominion. Afterwards the Medes repented of their submission, and revolted from Darius, but were defeated in battle, and again reduced to subjection. Now, however, in the time of Astyages, it was the Persians who under Cyrus revolted from the Medes, and became thenceforth the rulers of Asia. Cyrus kept Astyages at his court during the remainder of his life, without doing him any further injury. Such then were the circumstances of the birth and bringing up of Cyrus, and such were the steps by which he mounted the throne. It was at a later date that he was attacked by Croesus, and overthrew him, as I have related in an earlier portion of this history. The overthrow of Croesus made him master of the whole of Asia.
The customs which I know the Persians to observe are the following:
they have no images of the gods, no temples nor altars, and consider
the use of them a sign of folly. This comes, I think, from their not
believing the gods to have the same nature with men, as the Greeks
imagine. Their wont, however, is to ascend the summits of the loftiest
mountains, and there to offer sacrifice to Jupiter, which is the name
they give to the whole circuit of the firmament. They likewise offer
to the sun and moon, to the earth, to fire, to water, and to the winds.
These are the only gods whose worship has come down to them from ancient
times. At a later period they began the worship of Urania, which they
borrowed from the Arabians and Assyrians. Mylitta is the name by which
the Assyrians know this goddess, whom the Arabians call Alitta, and
the Persians Mitra.
To these gods the Persians offer sacrifice in the following manner:
they raise no altar, light no fire, pour no libations; there is no
sound of the flute, no putting on of chaplets, no consecrated barley-cake;
but the man who wishes to sacrifice brings his victim to a spot of
ground which is pure from pollution, and there calls upon the name
of the god to whom he intends to offer. It is usual to have the turban
encircled with a wreath, most commonly of myrtle. The sacrificer is
not allowed to pray for blessings on himself alone, but he prays for
the welfare of the king, and of the whole Persian people, among whom
he is of necessity included. He cuts the victim in pieces, and having
boiled the flesh, he lays it out upon the tenderest herbage that he
can find, trefoil especially. When all is ready, one of the Magi comes
forward and chants a hymn, which they say recounts the origin of the
gods. It is not lawful to offer sacrifice unless there is a Magus
present. After waiting a short time the sacrificer carries the flesh
of the victim away with him, and makes whatever use of it he may please.
Of all the days in the year, the one which they celebrate most is
their birthday. It is customary to have the board furnished on that
day with an ampler supply than common. The richer Persians cause an
ox, a horse, a camel, and an ass to be baked whole and so served up
to them: the poorer classes use instead the smaller kinds of cattle.
They eat little solid food but abundance of dessert, which is set
on table a few dishes at a time; this it is which makes them say that
"the Greeks, when they eat, leave off hungry, having nothing worth
mention served up to them after the meats; whereas, if they had more
put before them, they would not stop eating." They are very fond of
wine, and drink it in large quantities. To vomit or obey natural calls
in the presence of another is forbidden among them. Such are their
customs in these matters.
It is also their general practice to deliberate upon affairs of weight
when they are drunk; and then on the morrow, when they are sober,
the decision to which they came the night before is put before them
by the master of the house in which it was made; and if it is then
approved of, they act on it; if not, they set it aside. Sometimes,
however, they are sober at their first deliberation, but in this case
they always reconsider the matter under the influence of wine.
When they meet each other in the streets, you may know if the persons
meeting are of equal rank by the following token: if they are, instead
of speaking, they kiss each other on the lips. In the case where one
is a little inferior to the other, the kiss is given on the cheek;
where the difference of rank is great, the inferior prostrates himself
upon the ground. Of nations, they honour most their nearest neighbours,
whom they esteem next to themselves; those who live beyond these they
honour in the second degree; and so with the remainder, the further
they are removed, the less the esteem in which they hold them. The
reason is that they look upon themselves as very greatly superior
in all respects to the rest of mankind, regarding others as approaching
to excellence in proportion as they dwell nearer to them; whence it
comes to pass that those who are the farthest off must be the most
degraded of mankind. Under the dominion of the Medes, the several
nations of the empire exercised authority over each other in this
order. The Medes were lords over all, and governed the nations upon
their borders, who in their turn governed the States beyond, who likewise
bore rule over the nations which adjoined on them. And this is the
order which the Persians also follow in their distribution of honour;
for that people, like the Medes, has a progressive scale of administration
and government.
There is no nation which so readily adopts foreign customs as the
Persians. Thus, they have taken the dress of the Medes, considering
it superior to their own; and in war they wear the Egyptian breastplate.
As soon as they hear of any luxury, they instantly make it their own:
and hence, among other novelties, they have learnt unnatural lust
from the Greeks. Each of them has several wives, and a still larger
number of concubines.
Next to prowess in arms, it is regarded as the greatest proof of manly
excellence to be the father of many sons. Every year the king sends
rich gifts to the man who can show the largest number: for they hold
that number is strength. Their sons are carefully instructed from
their fifth to their twentieth year, in three things alone,- to ride,
to draw the bow, and to speak the truth. Until their fifth year they
are not allowed to come into the sight of their father, but pass their
lives with the women. This is done that, if the child die young, the
father may not be afflicted by its loss.
To my mind it is a wise rule, as also is the following- that the king
shall not put any one to death for a single fault, and that none of
the Persians shall visit a single fault in a slave with any extreme
penalty; but in every case the services of the offender shall be set
against his misdoings; and, if the latter be found to outweigh the
former, the aggrieved party shall then proceed to punishment.
The Persians maintain that never yet did any one kill his own father
or mother; but in all such cases they are quite sure that, if matters
were sifted to the bottom, it would be found that the child was either
a changeling or else the fruit of adultery; for it is not likely,
they say, that the real father should perish by the hands of his child.
They hold it unlawful to talk of anything which it is unlawful to
do. The most disgraceful thing in the world, they think, is to tell
a lie; the next worst, to owe a debt: because, among other reasons,
the debtor is obliged to tell lies. If a Persian has the leprosy he
is not allowed to enter into a city, or to have any dealings with
the other Persians; he must, they say, have sinned against the sun.
Foreigners attacked by this disorder, are forced to leave the country:
even white pigeons are often driven away, as guilty of the same offence.
They never defile a river with the secretions of their bodies, nor
even wash their hands in one; nor will they allow others to do so,
as they have a great reverence for rivers. There is another peculiarity,
which the Persians themselves have never noticed, but which has not
escaped my observation. Their names, which are expressive of some
bodily or mental excellence, all end with the same letter- the letter
which is called San by the Dorians, and Sigma by the Ionians. Any
one who examines will find that the Persian names, one and all without
exception, end with this letter.
Thus much I can declare of the Persians with entire certainty, from
my own actual knowledge. There is another custom which is spoken of
with reserve, and not openly, concerning their dead. It is said that
the body of a male Persian is never buried, until it has been torn
either by a dog or a bird of prey. That the Magi have this custom
is beyond a doubt, for they practise it without any concealment. The
dead bodies are covered with wax, and then buried in the ground.
The Magi are a very peculiar race, different entirely from the Egyptian
priests, and indeed from all other men whatsoever. The Egyptian priests
make it a point of religion not to kill any live animals except those
which they offer in sacrifice. The Magi, on the contrary, kill animals
of all kinds with their own hands, excepting dogs and men. They even
seem to take a delight in the employment, and kill, as readily as
they do other animals, ants and snakes, and such like flying or creeping
things. However, since this has always been their custom, let them
keep to it. I return to my former narrative.
Immediately after the conquest of Lydia by the Persians, the Ionian
and Aeolian Greeks sent ambassadors to Cyrus at Sardis, and prayed
to become his lieges on the footing which they had occupied under
Croesus. Cyrus listened attentively to their proposals, and answered
them by a fable. "There was a certain piper," he said, "who was walking
one day by the seaside, when he espied some fish; so he began to pipe
to them, imagining they would come out to him upon the land. But as
he found at last that his hope was vain, he took a net, and enclosing
a great draught of fishes, drew them ashore. The fish then began to
leap and dance; but the piper said, 'Cease your dancing now, as you
did not choose to come and dance when I piped to you.'" Cyrus gave
this answer to the Ionians and Aeolians, because, when he urged them
by his messengers to revolt from Croesus, they refused; but now, when
his work was done, they came to offer their allegiance. It was in
anger, therefore, that he made them this reply. The Ionians, on hearing
it, set to work to fortify their towns, and held meetings at the Panionium,
which were attended by all excepting the Milesians, with whom Cyrus
had concluded a separate treaty, by which he allowed them the terms
they had formerly obtained from Croesus. The other Ionians resolved,
with one accord, to send ambassadors to Sparta to implore assistance.
Now the Ionians of Asia, who meet at the Panionium, have built their
cities in a region where the air and climate are the most beautiful
in the whole world: for no other region is equally blessed with Ionia,
neither above it nor below it, nor east nor west of it. For in other
countries either the climate is over cold and damp, or else the heat
and drought are sorely oppressive. The Ionians do not all speak the
same language, but use in different places four different dialects.
Towards the south their first city is Miletus, next to which lie Myus
and Priene; all these three are in Caria and have the same dialect.
Their cities in Lydia are the following: Ephesus, Colophon, Lebedus,
Teos, Clazomenae, and Phocaea. The inhabitants of these towns have
none of the peculiarities of speech which belong to the three first-named
cities, but use a dialect of their own. There remain three other Ionian
towns, two situate in isles, namely, Samos and Chios; and one upon
the mainland, which is Erythrae. Of these Chios and Erythrae have
the same dialect, while Samos possesses a language peculiar to itself.
Such are the four varieties of which I spoke.
Of the Ionians at this period, one people, the Milesians, were in
no danger of attack, as Cyrus had received them into alliance. The
islanders also had as yet nothing to fear, since Phoenicia was still
independent of Persia, and the Persians themselves were not a seafaring
people. The Milesians had separated from the common cause solely on
account of the extreme weakness of the Ionians: for, feeble as the
power of the entire Hellenic race was at that time, of all its tribes
the Ionic was by far the feeblest and least esteemed, not possessing
a single State of any mark excepting Athens. The Athenians and most
of the other Ionic States over the world, went so far in their dislike
of the name as actually to lay it aside; and even at the present day
the greater number of them seem to me to be ashamed of it. But the
twelve cities in Asia have always gloried in the appellation; they
gave the temple which they built for themselves the name of the Panionium,
and decreed that it should not be open to any of the other Ionic States;
no State, however, except Smyrna, has craved admission to it.
In the same way the Dorians of the region which is now called the
Pentapolis, but which was formerly known as the Doric Hexapolis, exclude
all their Dorian neighbours from their temple, the Triopium: nay,
they have even gone so far as to shut out from it certain of their
own body who were guilty of an offence against the customs of the
place. In the games which were anciently celebrated in honour of the
Triopian Apollo, the prizes given to the victors were tripods of brass;
and the rule was that these tripods should not be carried away from
the temple, but should then and there be dedicated to the god. Now
a man of Halicarnassus, whose name was Agasicles, being declared victor
in the games, in open contempt of the law, took the tripod home to
his own house and there hung it against the wall. As a punishment
for this fault, the five other cities, Lindus, Ialyssus, Cameirus,
Cos, and Cnidus, deprived the sixth city, Halicarnassus, of the right
of entering the temple.
The Ionians founded twelve cities in Asia, and refused to enlarge
the number, on account (as I imagine) of their having been divided
into twelve States when they lived in the Peloponnese; just as the
Achaeans, who drove them out, are at the present day. The first city
of the Achaeans after Sicyon, is Pellene, next to which are Aegeira,
Aegae upon the Crathis, a stream which is never dry, and from which
the Italian Crathis received its name,- Bura, Helice- where the Ionians
took refuge on their defeat by the Achaean invaders- Aegium, Rhypes,
Patreis, Phareis, Olenus on the Peirus, which is a large river- Dyme
and Tritaeeis, all sea-port towns except the last two, which lie up
the country.
These are the twelve divisions of what is now Achaea, and was formerly
Ionia; and it was owing to their coming from a country so divided
that the Ionians, on reaching Asia, founded their twelve States: for
it is the height of folly to maintain that these Ionians are more
Ionian than the rest, or in any respect better born, since the truth
is that no small portion of them were Abantians from Euboea, who are
not even Ionians in name; and, besides, there were mixed up with the
emigration Minyae from Orchomenus, Cadmeians, Dryopians, Phocians
from the several cities of Phocis, Molossians, Arcadian Pelasgi, Dorians
from Epidaurus, and many other distinct tribes. Even those who came
from the Prytaneum of Athens, and reckon themselves the purest Ionians
of all, brought no wives with them to the new country, but married
Carian girls, whose fathers they had slain. Hence these women made
a law, which they bound themselves by an oath to observe, and which
they handed down to their daughters after them, "That none should
ever sit at meat with her husband, or call him by his name"; because
the invaders slew their fathers, their husbands, and their sons, and
then forced them to become their wives. It was at Miletus that these
events took place.
The kings, too, whom they set over them, were either Lycians, of the
blood of Glaucus, son of Hippolochus, or Pylian Caucons of the blood
of Codrus, son of Melanthus; or else from both those families. But
since these Ionians set more store by the name than any of the others,
let them pass for the pure-bred Ionians; though truly all are Ionians
who have their origin from Athens, and keep the Apaturia. This is
a festival which all the Ionians celebrate, except the Ephesians and
the Colophonians, whom a certain act of bloodshed excludes from it.
The Panionium is a place in Mycale, facing the north, which was chosen
by the common voice of the Ionians and made sacred to Heliconian Neptune.
Mycale itself is a promontory of the mainland, stretching out westward
towards Samos, in which the Ionians assemble from all their States
to keep the feast of the Panionia. The names of festivals, not only
among the Ionians but among all the Greeks, end, like the Persian
proper names, in one and the same letter.
The above-mentioned, then, are the twelve towns of the Ionians. The
Aeolic cities are the following:- Cyme, called also Phriconis, Larissa,
Neonteichus, Temnus, Cilla, Notium, Aegiroessa, Pitane, Aegaeae, Myrina,
and Gryneia. These are the eleven ancient cities of the Aeolians.
Originally, indeed, they had twelve cities upon the mainland, like
the Ionians, but the Ionians deprived them of Smyrna, one of the number.
The soil of Aeolis is better than that of Ionia, but the climate is
less agreeable.
The following is the way in which the loss of Smyrna happened. Certain
men of Colophon had been engaged in a sedition there, and being the
weaker party, were driven by the others into banishment. The Smyrnaeans
received the fugitives, who, after a time, watching their opportunity,
while the inhabitants were celebrating a feast to Bacchus outside
the walls, shut to the gates, and so got possession of the town. The
Aeolians of the other States came to their aid, and terms were agreed
on between the parties, the Ionians consenting to give up all the
moveables, and the Aeolians making a surrender of the place. The expelled
Smyrnaeans were distributed among the other States of the Aeolians,
and were everywhere admitted to citizenship.
These, then, were all the Aeolic cities upon the mainland, with the
exception of those about Mount Ida, which made no part of this confederacy.
As for the islands, Lesbos contains five cities. Arisba, the sixth,
was taken by the Methymnaeans, their kinsmen, and the inhabitants
reduced to slavery. Tenedos contains one city, and there is another
which is built on what are called the Hundred Isles. The Aeolians
of Lesbos and Tenedos, like the Ionian islanders, had at this time
nothing to fear. The other Aeolians decided in their common assembly
to follow the Ionians, whatever course they should pursue.
When the deputies of the Ionians and Aeolians, who had journeyed with
all speed to Sparta, reached the city, they chose one of their number,
Pythermus, a Phocaean, to be their spokesman. In order to draw together
as large an audience as possible, he clothed himself in a purple garment,
and so attired stood forth to speak. In a long discourse he besought
the Spartans to come to the assistance of his countrymen, but they
were not to be persuaded, and voted against sending any succour. The
deputies accordingly went their way, while the Lacedaemonians, notwithstanding
the refusal which they had given to the prayer of the deputation,
despatched a penteconter to the Asiatic coast with certain Spartans
on board, for the purpose, as I think, of watching Cyrus and Ionia.
These men, on their arrival at Phocaea, sent to Sardis Lacrines, the
most distinguished of their number, to prohibit Cyrus, in the name
of the Lacedaemonians, from offering molestation to any city of Greece,
since they would not allow it.
Cyrus is said, on hearing the speech of the herald, to have asked
some Greeks who were standing by, "Who these Lacedaemonians were,
and what was their number, that they dared to send him such a notice?"
When he had received their reply, he turned to the Spartan herald
and said, "I have never yet been afraid of any men, who have a set
place in the middle of their city, where they come together to cheat
each other and forswear themselves. If I live, the Spartans shall
have troubles enough of their own to talk of, without concerning themselves
about the Ionians." Cyrus intended these words as a reproach against
all the Greeks, because of their having market-places where they buy
and sell, which is a custom unknown to the Persians, who never make
purchases in open marts, and indeed have not in their whole country
a single market-place.